måndag 30 december 2013

Utvärdering av 2013

Joao Pedro Stedileby Joao Pedro Stedile, National Coordination of the MST

It is usual to take advantage of the year-end period, forever doing the critical balance of losses, achievements and progress in the various sectors of activities of our society.

Unfortunately for workers who live in the countryside the balance of 2013 is anything but optimistic. Briefly we could track several defeats that the movement of capital in imposed.

The process of concentration of land ownership and agricultural production continues to accelerate and our natural resources are increasingly concentrated in the hands of fewer capitalists. There was an avalanche of foreign financial capital to control more land, more water, more plants, more agro-industries and virtually all foreign trade of agricultural commodities. And some of them are already buying up the oxygen of our forests, the famous way of carbon credit, then resold in European exchanges to permit Europe to maintain its pollution!
The rural caucus in congress, faithful squire of the interests of capitalists, landowners and transnational companies are, after imposing on us in last year’s defeat of the revision of the forest code, now want to get their hands on indigenous lands and prevented enactment of the law punishing those who still practice slave labor. In addition, they want to release genetically modified terminator seeds, that when replanted, do not germinate and are prohibited worldwide.

In the Dilma government, the hegemony of agribusiness interests is consolidated by the actions of various ministries. In actions against indigenous peoples, they are releasing agricultural poisons, which are banned in most countries, or releasing significant public funds, regulating the transfer and application from national savings credits for agribusiness? In the last harvest were shifted 140 billion dollars of savings from Brazilian farmers to produce commodities for export. Currently, I'm trying to make a quick pass of the revisions in the mining code designed to deliver at once our underground riches to transnational corporations.

And even the positive program of the Lula government, as the PAA (program of advance purchase of food from peasant farmers) is now under heavy pressure from greedy large farmers, with an eye on CONAB [Companhia Nacional de Abastecimento – National Supply Company].

Land reform, understood as measures of expropriation of large estates to democratize the land, is completely paralyzed. The Rousseff administration expropriated less than the last government of the military dictatorship, General Figueiredo. And over a hundred thousand families wait ... languishing in camps on the roadsides!

We had the problem of drought in the Nordeste [Northeast], that struck millions of peasants and killed from hunger and thirst around ten million heads of livestock (cattle, goat and sheep), while U.S. companies took 18 million tons of our corn for to turn into ethanol in the United States .

Projects of irrigated perimeters of the Nordeste still serve as a source of profit for large contractors and delivery of irrigated areas only to businessmen, to the detriment of farmers in the same region.

Advances or positive points, we had very few. We won from the government a national agroecology plan, which will be a milestone. And we move forward with more higher education courses for agrarian reform youth in PRONERA [Programa Nacional de Educação na Reforma Agrária – National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform] and other agreements with universities. And we won the program of more doctors that brought assistance to thousands of Brazilians in rural areas, where no physician from the Brazilian middle class wanted to go.

But perhaps the most important that has happened in the class struggle in the countryside during the year 2013, is to increase the evidence of the contradictions of agribusiness, with its attacks on the environment, with the use of pesticides and the manipulation of food prices. And second, followed by building a broad unity among all rural social movements, for a program of agriculture to be focused on the interests of all of the people.

And in big cities, young people were our voice in call for changes, and a better country . Certainly we will add to them in 2014, demanding political reform and a sovereign constituency, since the ears of the elites and the three powers [executive, legislative and judicial] are still blocked by their stupidity.

"2013 is the worst year for Agrarian Reform,” says João Paulo Rodrigues Chaves
Joao Paulo Rodriques ChavesThe year 2013 won’t be missed by the Landless throughout the country. Regarding the struggle for land, the balance is positive, due to the demonstrations, marches and occupations of land and public buildings that occurred almost throughout the year.

But when referring to Agrarian Reform policy, almost nothing has been done, and in many cases the government walked backwards. This is the assessment of João Paulo Rodrigues Chaves, from the national coordination of the MST, on the agrarian policy stimulated by the federal government during all of this year.

As Rodrigues stated, something that has always been bad in this government became even worse. “So far, only 159 families were settled around the country. It's a shame. There were 10 properties expropriated by the Dilma government. Worse than the last military government of General Figueiredo, when 152 properties were expropriated," he says.

Check out the interview:
How do you rate the struggle for land in 2013 in a period of complete paralysis of Agrarian Reform?

Despite being a completely negative year in relation to agrarian reform, the peasants remained steadfast in the struggle for land.

In March, for example, we set up a permanent camp in Brasilia for three months, struggling constantly in the federal capital, with marches, occupations of ministries and political acts.

In the same month, the journey of the women happened, when more than 10,000 farmers mobilized to demand the settlement of 150,000 families camped across the country; occupying land, agrochemical companies, public buildings, marching and blocking highways.

Immediately following, in the month of April, the Landless made
​​another journey of national character, with demonstrations in 19 states plus the Federal District. Again blocked dozens of highways, occupied more land, public buildings, city halls and held marches and political acts across the country.

In June and July the Movement joined the demonstrations that came out to the streets of major cities in the country and blocked several highways. In this wave, landless youth organized a campaign of struggle in the beginning of August. In the end of this month, the whole Movement held, along with the central trade unions, a national mobilization, with the central unions conducting strikes and work stoppages in the cities, while in the countryside we blocked the highways.

In October, more than 12 states mobilized around the Unitary Day for Food Sovereignty, when once again the rural population promoted marches, occupying land and public buildings. That same month, the quest of the Landless youth reoriented the fight in the countryside and the necessity for Agrarian Reform, occupying ministries and state departments.

All this just to talk about the struggles of national character, not counting regional struggles in the states. That is, to say that there is no more fighting in the countryside is a big lie.

And where does the question of land reform enter?

This is where the big problem comes with an extremely negative balance. This is the worst year of Agrarian Reform. The Rousseff administration, which has always been bad in this matter, got worse. So far, only 159 families were settled around the country. It's a shame.

There are 10 properties expropriated by the Dilma government. Worse than the last military government of General Figueiredo, when 152 properties were expropriated.

Another serious problem is what the federal government is calling the “emancipation of settlements,” i.e. passing the title of the lots to the settlers. In practice, it serves to let the state take responsibility for the families. But the worst is that this policy will create a counter agrarian reform, since large farmers would then press the settlers to sell their lots, putting everything downhill and further increasing the concentration of land in the country.

And what is the cause of this difficulty in advancing Agrarian Reform?

We can cite two major crucial issues.

The first is that the government is completely hostage to the Rural Caucus, the largest front in Congress. There are 162 deputies and 11 senators in the Rural Caucus, not counting the legion of last minute followers.

Just to have a dimension of the problem, no matter how absurd the agenda of this sector is, they manage to come out victorious in all proposals, even unconstitutional ones.

We can start with the stranglehold of the Forest Code [Ed. revised to permit increased exploitation of the forest), through the amendment of the PEC do Trabalho Escravo [Ed. Proposal to Amend the Constitution on Slave Labor -  a proposal to change the definition of what constitutes slave labor], backtracking on legislation concerning the demarcation of indigenous lands, the creation of a special commission to release new pesticides with greater ease - ignoring the assessment work  of ANVISA (Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária – Brazilian National Health Surveillance Agency)  and IBAMA (Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis - Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources) - and the release of new transgenic crops .

None of these proposals are in the interest in Brazilian society. All are exclusively the particular interests of this sector and were victorious. The Rural Caucus is a cancer of the Brazilian people.

The other issue is the illusion of the government in relation to agribusiness. The major commodity exports promoted by this sector allow the government to maintain the policy of systematic generation of a primary surplus, ensuring the fate of budgetary resources to the financial sector, as interest payments and debt service, which is unfortunate.

But at the same time [the government] has created some public policies for family and peasant agriculture.

First it is very important to note that all policies are the achievements of the struggles of social movements. We strive for guaranteeing the purchase of food and we won the National School Feeding Programme (PNAE) and the Food Acquisition Program (PAA). We fight for education in the countryside and won the National Education Program in Agrarian Reform (Pronera).
We fight for the industrialization of our production, and we won the Programa Terra Forte [Ed. program to promote agroindustry (e.g. cheese and yogurt production on settlements with dairy cattle) in the agrarian reform settlements]. We fought for a different model of agriculture, and won the National Plan for Organic Production and Agroecology - Agroecology Brazil. There are but a few examples of this.

However, we have in mind that although these measures are important, they also have their limits. They are very disproportionate compared with the investments in agribusiness. To get an idea, the Harvest Plan 2013/2014 for family agriculture represents just over 20% of the budget for agribusiness.

Furthermore, we have those policies today, but nothing assures us that we can count on them tomorrow. A simple change of government, for example, may end all our achievements.

What do you need to do then?

The need is to prioritize peasant and family farming, and not treat them as an afterthought. The government must understand that the only solution to poverty is extensive land reform, creating thousands of jobs in the countryside. On the contrary, there remains only the swelling of major urban centers and the slums of the suburbs around these big cities.

That is, change the logic and structure of agricultural production in Brazil. The FAO (United Nation’s Food and Agricultural Organization) itself has recognized that the only way to end the environmental crisis and guaranty food sovereignty is in family farming. This was said by José Graziano, director of the FAO. This recognition of the need for family farming is so primary that 2014 will be designated the International Year of Family Farming by the UN.

But why can’t both models of agriculture be reconciled?

They are models that contrast in their logic and essence. The greed of agribusiness with its gigantic economic resources impedes another type of agriculture, and always seeks to incorporate the peasant land and natural resources into its model of commodity production.

To get an idea, in the last two decades more than 6 million people were evicted by agribusiness in the Brazilian countryside. And where did they go? To the slums of major urban centers. Agribusiness does not generate employment, since more than 70 % of the rural workforce is employed in family farming, and, further, it appropriates small and medium farms, increasing the concentration of land in Brazil year by year.

Within the production of staples of the Brazilian people, the situation is also very serious. From 1990 to 2011, the areas planted with staple foods like rice, beans, cassava and wheat declined between 20-35 %, while the elite’s agribusiness products, such as sugarcane and soybeans, have increased 122% and 107%. And all of these are export-oriented. We have to import rice and beans from China. This is alarming.

In February 2014, the MST will hold its 6th National Congress. What does the Movement intend with this activity?

In it we will consolidate our proposal around the People's Agrarian Reform. More than ever Agrarian Reform is urgently needed. However, it is a new type of Agrarian Reform, what we call people’s land reform.

We understand that the land reform is no longer just a national policy for the rural population. It is urgent and necessary to the whole of society as a whole.

If we want to eat food full of poison that will give us cancer, to cultivate a production that destroys the environment and contributes to the climate crisis, to expel the peasants from the countryside increasing the poor population of the big cities, then Agrarian Reform in fact not is required.
But if we want, on the other hand, a production model that reconciles production with environmental preservation, that provides the Brazilian people with healthy food without pesticides, that ends misery and poverty our country, then it was never so necessary.

Therefore, we have to show the importance agrarian reform to the whole society for the help of the working class achieving the People's Agrarian Reform, which is only possible with a comprehensive reform of the political system.

And what are the prospects for the struggle for the next period?

In this last period, we have built and expanded the unity of all rural social movements, with their eyes on a program of agriculture that really is in the interest of the Brazilian people. And that tends to more each time.

Alongside this, there is mounting evidence of the contradictions of the agribusiness model – the destruction of the environment, the massive use of pesticides and insecurity of food prices.

Furthermore, the result of the great struggles of this year, the social organizations built the Popular Referendum for deep political reform in 2014, which would dramatically change the current picture.

fredag 1 november 2013

Dilma har just beslutat att återuppta jordreformen. Hon hade tidigare bestämt att jord fick bara fördelas om det gjorts en analys av att egendomen skulle ha undersökts så att den skulle kunna vara ekonomiskt möjlig att driva för de jordlösa. Detta visade sig ta så lång tid att inga jordardistribuerades. För att kunna genomföra några nya överföringar under året har hon nu beslutat ta bort detta krav. Löäs nedan från Folha de São Paulo på portugisiska

Dilma revê promessa para apressar desapropriações

A presidente Dilma Rousseff voltou a desapropriar terras para fins de reforma agrária na semana passada sem cumprir a promessa de submeter os futuros assentamentos no campo a estudos aprofundados de viabilidade econômica antes de implantá-los.
Em janeiro deste ano, uma portaria baixada pelo Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário determinou que novas áreas só seriam desapropriadas após a realização de estudos completos. No início de outubro, nova portaria eliminou essa exigência para cerca de 100 processos que já estavam em andamento.
A nova portaria deu a Dilma a possibilidade de retomar a reforma agrária após dez meses sem fazer novas desapropriações. A lentidão do governo nessa área transformou a presidente em alvo de críticas frequentes de movimentos sociais que sempre foram alinhados com o PT, como o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST).
A nova portaria do ministro do Desenvolvimento Agrário, Pepe Vargas, foi publicada no dia 14 de outubro. Na sexta-feira, passados apenas dez dias, Dilma assinou os decretos de desapropriação de oito áreas em seis Estados.
Nenhuma dessas propriedades foi submetida aos estudos prometidos por Dilma. No início do ano, quando eles passaram a ser exigidos, a justificativa do governo era que não adiantava distribuir terra sem analisar as condições que os assentados teriam de produzir e gerar renda.
A própria presidente deixou isso claro em seus discursos, e o ministro Gilberto Carvalho, da Secretaria-Geral da Presidência, chegou a classificar como "favelas rurais" os assentamentos precários criados em governos anteriores.
Com a portaria de janeiro, cerca de 100 processos de desapropriação que já estavam próximos de receber a assinatura de Dilma foram devolvidos aos Estados para a realização dos novos estudos.
Os peritos deveriam identificar a vocação agropecuária das terras, analisar as condições naturais e a viabilidade de cada local e indicar políticas públicas que poderiam ajudar os futuros assentados.
O problema é que as superintendências regionais do Incra, órgão responsável pela reforma agrária, não conseguiram concluir os estudos.
Segundo o sindicato dos peritos agrários do Incra, faltaram profissionais para o trabalho, e normas internas para orientá-los. O sindicato diz também que a categoria está "desmotivada", sem aumento salarial desde 2010.
Para dar a Dilma a chance de retomar as desapropriações antes do fim do ano, a solução encontrada por Pepe Vargas foi baixar a nova portaria, que retirou das superintendências regionais a responsabilidade pelos estudos.
Devolvidos a Brasília, os processos foram encaminhados a analistas do Incra, que deram pareceres sobre as áreas sem realizar os estudos que o governo pretendia fazer.
Em menos de duas semanas, o governo editou a nova portaria, os processos foram recolhidos, os analistas deram seus pareceres e os decretos de desapropriação foram assinados pela presidente.
As oito áreas desapropriadas em outubro por Dilma devem assentar 158 famílias.
O presidente do Incra, Carlos Guedes de Guedes, diz que os pareceres dados em Brasília sobre a viabilidade econômica dos imóveis vêm mantendo o "sentido" dos estudos de campo que deveriam ter sido feitos pelas regionais do instituto.
"Nós temos os estudos que apontam quais são os potenciais de geração de renda [para cada um dos oito imóveis desapropriados em outubro], que é esse o sentido do Estudo de Capacidade de Geração de Renda [ECGR]", afirma.
Guedes nega que, com a portaria de 10 de outubro, o governo tenha rebaixado as exigências de qualidade, instituídas em janeiro, para a desapropriação de novas terras.
"A gente não está abrindo mão da conclusão do estudo ou pelo menos dos parâmetros aqui em Brasília. Isso é uma exigência, inclusive, para encaminhamento para a Casa Civil", afirma Guedes.
O presidente do Incra destaca que a portaria de outubro é válida até março de 2014, e que, depois, os estudos de capacidade de geração de renda serão obrigatoriamente realizados nas regionais do órgão, que, segundo ele, serão capacitadas.
Os pareceres emitidos pelos analistas do Incra em Brasília têm se baseado no Censo Agropecuário de 2006, do IBGE, e em uma pesquisa da USP sobre políticas para desenvolvimento agrário.
Questionado sobre imóveis já decretados de interesse público mas que ainda não têm infraestrutura completa, o presidente do Incra afirmou que, em cada caso, o governo assumiu um cronograma de acesso a serviços públicos.
Para propriedades rurais em que falta energia elétrica, por exemplo, o presidente do instituto afirma que será acionado o programa federal Luz Para Todos.

onsdag 2 oktober 2013

Risk för massaker

Det varnas för en massaker i Belo Horisonte, många hemlösa, 4000, riskerar att avhysas

Mais de 4.000 famílias sem-terra e sem-casa das Ocupações Rosa Leão –www.ocupacaorosaleao.blogspot.com.br – Esperança –www.ocupacaoesperanca.blogspot.com.br – e Vitória, as duas últimas na Granja Werneck, em Belo Horizonte, MG, estão fustigadas pela polícia militar – GATE, Tropa de choque, helicópteros etc – desde anteontem, dia 27/09/2013. A defensoria Pública de MG já entregou recomendação à PM para não fazer despejos sem alternativa digna e sem antes um processo de negociação. Alertamos para o risco de massacre, pois o povo entrou espontaneamente nessas ocupações por precisão, por necessidade, porque não aguentam mais sobreviver sob a cruz do aluguel ou a humilhação que é sobreviver de favor. O POVO VAI RESISTIR e não vai abrir mão da luta por moradia digna.
Alertamos as autoridades judiciárias, o prefeito Márcio Lacerda e o governador de MG, Sr. Anastasia, NEGOCIE ANTES DE TENTAR DESPEJAR PELA FORÇA, pois pode acontecer tragédia, massacre. Isso não pode acontecer.
Exortamos a todas as pessoas de boa vontade e aos militantes dos movimentos sociais populares para se fazerem presentes e apoiar a luta árdua das Ocupações Rosa Leão, Esperança e Vitória, mais de 4 mil famílias.
Abraço na luta. Frei Gilvander Moreira, pela Comissão Pastoral da Terra.
Para maiores informações, com Bruno Cardoso, cel. 31 9250 1832

Film om Trukáfolket

Jag har gjort en dokumenärfilm om Truká-folket i nordöstra Brasilien. Deras historia, kamp för att återta land och identitet samt det nya hotet som de står inför i och med projektet att dra vatten från São Francisco floden. 


Med vänlig hälsning
Thomas Toivonen 

fredag 13 september 2013

Nya attacker mot Amazonas

Ledaren för jordägarmaffian i kongressen (ruralistas) Katia Abreu har gått till ny attack efter den framgångsrika kampanjen mot skogslagen som "flexibiliserades". Det främsta målet nu är ursprungsfolkens territorier.

Samtidigt visar officiell brasiliansk statistik att  2765,6 km2  skog har förstörts mellan augusti 2012 och juli de 2013. Detta betyder av det har huggits ner 35 procent mer jämfört med ett år tidigare. 

torsdag 22 augusti 2013

Kvinnohus och massaker

En god nyhet och en dålig
I Salvador öppnas nu det första kvinnohuset, ett initiativ under MST:s förre ledare Lucia Barbosa. När hon var i Sverige på ett utbyte besökte hon Alla Kvinnors hus, kanske fick hon lite inspiration? 
Den mindre goda nyheten handlar om att MST fortfarande måste protestera mot att de som genomförde massakern i Felizburgo 2004 när fem personer dödades, många särades, bibliotek, skkolor och hus brändes. Man genomför nu protester i Minas Gerais efter att rättegången uppskjutits ett flertal gånger

Indignados por sucessivos adiamentos, sem-terra dizem que desta vez não há desculpas 

Adiado por três vezes, o julgamento do mandante e executor do chamado Massacre de Felisburgo, está marcado para esta quarta-feira, dia 21, no II Tribunal do Juri de Belo Horizonte, do Forum Lafayete. 
    Sob expectativas de um novo adiamento, os sem-terra organizam mobilizações durante toda a semana. Segundo Maria Gomes Soares, da coordenação estadual do MST e moradora do acampamento dos sem-terra em Felisburgo, “desta vez não tem perdão, a sociedade já cansou de tanta injustiça e quer a condenação do Adriano, a cada adiamento ele decreta sua culpa e mostra que está fugindo da justiça”. O julgamento do fazendeiro e réu acusado da morte de 5 sem-terra e tentativa de homicídio de outros 12 foi inicialmente agendado para 17 de janeiro, adiado para 18 de maio, e novamente adiado para esta quarta-feira. Lembramos que em novembro próximo completam nove anos de Impunidade e descaso por parte do judiciário. 
    A dirigente do MST ainda conclui: “Estamos vindo para a capital nesta terça com 700 militantes, de todas as regiões do estado e vamos parar Belo Horizonte com uma grande marcha até o Fórum e só sairemos de lá com o assassino preso.” Além dos integrantes do próprio movimento, os sem-terra ainda contam com outra tropa de choque, formada por diversas personalidades do mundo político, artistas, lideranças sindicais e jovens, muitos deles envolvidos com as manifestações de junho. 
    O chamado Massacre de Felisburgo ocorreu em 20 de novembro de 2004, na cidade homônima, quando Adriano Chafik e mais 15 pistoleiros armados adentraram o acampamento dos sem-terra atirando, logo pela manhã. O fazendeiro, mesmo não sendo proprietário do imóvel comprovadamente devoluto, não se conformava com a ocupação e resolveu agir por conta própria, após tentar coagir os sem-terra com ameaças. Após o ataque, o réu do processo criminal teve parte de suas terras adquiridas pelo INCRA, que as destinou para a reforma agrária, e recentemente também teve outros 515 hectares declarados devolutos pelo ITER (Instituto de Terras de Minas Gerais).     

lördag 20 juli 2013

Fortsatta hot i Brasilien

Sedan kongressen antagit Codigo Florestal, den nya skogslagen har avskogningen satt fart i Brasilien igen, framförallt de senaste månaderna. Skogsägarmaffian går nu till nya angrepp enligt nedanstående brev från Greenpeace Brasilien. Det handlar om andra områden som skyddas av lagstiftning, indianernas områden, naturskyddsområden och områden avsatta för jordreformen. Nyligen har det varit öppna konflikter kring indianernas områden.

Depois do Código Florestal, que dita regras sobre as áreas florestais dentro de propriedades privadas no país, a nova frente de batalha que começa a ser travada no Congresso Nacional é contra as áreas protegidas por lei. Unidades de Conservação, Terras Indígenas e assentamentos da reforma agrária são os novos alvos da bancada ruralista que quer transformar o Brasil no quintal do agronegócio.

Para tanto, os parlamentares representantes da parcela mais atrasada da economia não medem esforços e estão atacando por todos os lados. Em nome de um suposto progresso econômico, eles querem a abertura de mais áreas de floresta, não se importando com o avanço do desmatamento e na violação dos direitos de povos tradicionais como os indígenas. Precisamos agir agora contra o desmatamento.

As áreas protegidas são as últimas barreiras que ainda conseguem fazer frente à expansão desenfreada da fronteira agrícola no Brasil. E por isso mesmo elas estão sofrendo uma forte ofensiva, com direito a projetos de lei, emendas à Constituição e diversas outras medidas que atentam contra a sua manutenção e preservação.

Na esteira do ataque aos povos indígenas já estão programados ataques aos direitos trabalhistas, ao controle dos agrotóxicos e às regras para compra de terras por estrangeiros. Não podemos deixar que isso ganhe força. A sociedade está unida para defender os povos nativos – brasileiros como eu e você.

Brasília não está correspondendo ao apelo das ruas por mais cidadania e respeito aos direitos do povo. Os índios também são o povo, e levaram suas demandas ao governo. Mas estão sendo mais desrespeitados do que nunca. Vamos nos unir a eles. Colabore com a gente para que possamos manter nossas campanhas na rua em nome da proteção das florestas e daqueles que as habitam e defendem.

onsdag 17 juli 2013

MST och protesterna

Den 11 juli försökte de brasilianska sociala rörelserna tillsammans med facket ta initiativet i de protester som hållit på i snart en månad. Mitt intryck är dock att de de inte fick med sig så många av de ungdomar som lett protesterna. Det kommer at vara intressant att se hur det utvecklar sig i Brasilien. Hur kommer protesterna att utvecklas politiskt?

National Day of Struggle - Brasil do Fato
National Day of Struggle: Track mobilizations across the countryRoad Blocade - Rio Grande de Sul
Follow coverage of the mobilizations, strikes, occupations and road blockades realized on Thursday (July 11) around the country
Unified mobilization block disposal plants in Alagoas
Unions and movements struggling for land blocked access to the Port of Maceió, the main outlet for production of the sugarcane industry in Alagoas
by Railton Teixeira, Maceió, Alagoas
Earlier on Thursday (11), hundreds of workers organized in peasant movements, trade unions and students blocked the entrance to the Port of Maceió (AL) in the neighborhood of the Jaragua. Protesters continue the Unified National Day of Struggle, which conducts a day of strikes and demonstrations across the country around an agenda of structural reforms.
The trade unions and movements of students and peasants are together demanding rights and social reforms to advance Brazil, among which the reduction of working hours to 40 hours per week without loss of pay and rejection of PL 4330, which loosens labor rights through outsourcing. The agenda of the free [transit] pass and public transport, urban reform and agrarian reform were also prominent.
For Deborah Nunes, form the national coordination of the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST), unified mobilization is a new direction to those who fight for social change in Brazil. "We support the implementation of agrarian reform and other structural reforms, an agenda already deep throughout Brazilian society, but not yet realized," she explained.
Among other points that unify the various organizations of the working class in Brazil today is the application of 10% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the education sector and 10% to the health sector. In full year 2013, the public debt service still consumes more than 40% of the budget, preventing investment in strategic areas for social development, such as land policy and education.
Peasants block major highways of Alagoas
The blockades started in the first hours and should extend throughout the day in order to get the message that "the stuggle has never stopped"
by Railton Teixeira, Maceió, Alagoas
Earlier on Thursday (July 11), peasant social movements blocked some major roads of Alagoas in adherence to the guidance of Via Campesina in the municipalities to organize this National Day of Struggle. The blockades started in the first hours and should extend throughout the day in order to get the message that "the struggle has never stopped."
Roads were blocked in the municipalities of Murici, União dos Palmares, Flexeiras, Novo Lino, Atalaia and Joaquim Gomes (forest area). Porto Calvo and Maragogi (coastal), Arapiraca, Girau Ponciano (uncultivated), Delmiro Gouveia, Olho D’Água do Casado e Olho D’água das Flores (sertão [semi-arid region of the Northeast]), and some cities in the low and mid São Francisco.
The mobilization has membership of the Liberation Movement of the Landless (MLST), Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST), Movement Land, Labor and Freedom (MTL) and the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT).
According Josival Oliveira, national leader of the MLST, rural workers were never silenced and always hold their demonstrations. According to him, the ways to protest today follow the same methodology adopted by peasant social movements.
Also according to him, land reform still remains the main banner of struggle that mobilizes the activities of peasant social movements. Adding to this, numerous other guidelines related to education, health, security, infrastructure and public policy, responsible for setting of rural workers in their land, are the main challenges encountered in the peasant struggle. "That's why our staff will be in our home towns, with blocking highways, so this way we can show society that at no time do we remain silent in the face of the oppressive system which kills rural workers and burns their homes" emphasized Oliveira.
He also pointed out that the federal government's intention is to stifle public policies in the countryside, thus taking the welfare programs, offered to city workers, from the farmers. In addition, they are blocking the resources allocated for agrarian reform settlements. "Thereby causing, in this way, the arbitrariness and atrocities perpetrated by the large estates. There being no guarantees in the law, plantation owners assume the right to send their gunmen to intimidate workers and thus enforce the militarization of the sugar plant," Oliveira concluded.
National Day of Struggle
Buses circulated normally in Salvador, but many banks are closed in the city. The BR-324, the main highway between the capital and the interior was blocked, as well as Via Parafuso, which gives access to the Polo Petrochemical Plant of Camaçari. A group of demonstrators protested near Feira de Santana. The protesters are focusing on Avenida  Sete, in the center, where there will be actions at 11 AM.

People affected by the dams join the trade unions in Fortaleza
The MAB (Movement of People Affected the Dams)  and other organizations are in the streets fighting against privatization, for the end of the auction of oil fields and against the hydroelectric plants
The unions and social movements held demonstrations across the country on Thursday (July 11) and in Fortaleza there is happening  a great act of the working class unity in the Ferreira Square, in the city center.
Besides the people affected by the dams and the landless, the mobilization has also attended by metallurgical, chemical, commercial and rural, workers in the food industry, construction workers, seamstresses, sanitation and maintenance employees, bakers, couriers, household workers, among others.
The Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB) and other organizations are in the streets fighting against privatization, the end of the auction of oil and hydroelectric plants, for lower rates on electricity, land reform and the rights of people affected by dams and for a plebiscite for political reform, among other issues.
Besides these, the agendas of workers demand the end of the security factor [used to calculate social security benefits, introduced during the presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, 10% of GDP to health, 10% of GDP to education, reduction of working hours to 40 hours; valuation of pensions [to increase based on inflation and other factors]; quality public transportation, changes in the auctions of oil leases; rejection of PL 4330 [legislation on outsourcing], political reform, urban reform and democratization of the media.

In the Federal District, MST occupies national INCRA office and blockades highways
The movement will also attend the Unified March of the Working Class, which will take place at the esplanade of the Ministries

Pagina do MST
On Thursday (July 11), the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) held the national headquarters of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), in Brasília (DF). The purpose of mobilization is to require resumption of land reform by the national government.
According to Maria Lucimar da Silva, leader of the MST in the Federal District, land reform is completely paralyzed and INCRA has not fulfilled its role.
"The government has to reduce bureaucracy and throw out “policy of paper.” Dialogue only is not enough, we want to see the results in practice, with the settlement of 150,000 families in  encampments, with the implementation of new credit that benefits the settlers and settlements. And especially that INCRA work for the development of agrarian reform and not cut it short," he says.
Integrating with the agenda of the national mobilization, BR 020 (km 103) was blockaded from 6 o'clock in the morning. 400 people from the MST, Popular Peasant Movement (MCP) and Associations of Flores de Goiás participated in the action. The region has about 30 settlements and farmers are responsible for supplying the food production for the local population. BR 188, the perimeter of Unaí - Minas Gerais, is also blocked.
The actions are part of the day of mobilizations of labor unions, political organizations and movements of the working class to take to the streets of the country this July 11.
In Brasilia, the movement also attended the Unified March of the Working Class, which took place at the Esplanade of the Ministries.
At the bus station of Vitória, the buses were stopped, as well as passenger trains of the Railway Vitória a Minas (EFVM). Taxi drivers also joined the movement. Hospitals only met urgent and emergency cases. A group of protesters is concentrated at the Federal University of Espírito Santo, and will then marched up to the Legislature, which has been busy the last 2 days. In Old Town, the Military Police blocked the passage of vehicles at the Third Bridge, where a group of protesters gathered. They marched to Vitória.
Thousands of Goianese peasants participate in national strike
The fight is part of the national strike for reforms and economic and social change, articulated between popular movements, trade unions and the working class
About three thousand family farmers from the Popular Peasant Movement, mobilized, on Thursday (July 11), demonstrations Goiania, Catalan, Flores de Goiás and Itapaci with public events and road closures. The fight is part of the national strike for reforms and economic and social change, articulated between popular movements, trade unions and the working class. In Goiás, the National Day of Struggle counted more than 60,000 demonstrators. Throughout Brazil, thousands of workers, people living in rural area, by the water and forests participated in demonstrations. In Goiânia, the public act had concentrations at 10 am in the Plaza of the Bandeirante and the highways were closed in BR020 in the intersection of Flores in Goiás, in BR 153 in the intersection of Itapaci and BR 050 in Catalão at the intersection of mining roads.
The common agenda of demands, entitled Letter to the Workers of Brazil, covers ten items: national sovereignty over land, agrarian reform, structural policies for youth and women, agro-ecological food production, people's rights, banning pesticides and GMOs, deforestation control, cancellation of privatization of natural resources, rural schools and end the tax break to large exporters. The document is signed by the organizations: ABEEF, OPEN, JOINS, ANA, APIB, CIMI, CONAQ, CONTAG ENEBIO, FEAB, FETRAF, MAB, MAM, MCP, MMC, MPA, MPP, MST, PJR, SINPAF and Via Campesina.
In the countryside, there is a huge social debt and inequalities are increasing. About 8,300 large landowners, alone, own 83 million acres, while 4.3 million families of workers of peasant and family farming have 70 million hectares. However, peasant farming is responsible for producing 70% of food that goes to table the Brazilian people.
In Goiás, the situation is even more serious, by its location in the center of agribusiness. The structure of the land in the state, which has one of the highest concentration in Brazil, has been built by the forces that oppose democratization of land. Goias has 88,400 family farms that occupy 8,228,000 acres, with an average of 8.9 acres per farm. Family farmers are responsible for the production of staple foods that supply most products to the table of Goiás. Given this situation, the MCP also expresses its dissatisfaction and will go to the streets once again, the peasant agenda for discussion. Social struggles are legitimate and they can only improve the living conditions of the people.
Those affected by the Serra da Mesa hydroelectric dam protest in northern Goiás
The approximately 250 protesters demand a decrease in the price of electricity, improvements in health and education and a policy of rights for those affected by dams
On Thursday (July 11), people affected by the Serra da Mesa dam, in Goiás, returned to the streets of the city center in Uruaçu in order to demand from municipal, state and federal public authorities better living conditions for the population. The demonstrations reinforce protests throughout Brazil staged by Labor Unions and Social Movements in the countryside and the city.
The approximately 250 protesters, organized in the Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB), demanded decreases in the price of electricity, improvements in health and education and a policy to direct affected by dams.
According Agenor Costa e Silva, coordinator of the MAB in Goiás, "dams in the region have left serious negative consequences for families, many of them have not yet received compensation and families living by the river had to come and live in the city to survive." He further states that those affected want a rights policy not just on the paper so that the needs of the families can be met.
"The report of the National Council of Defense of Human Rights (CDDPH) recognizes that in the region there are serious human rights violations and then nothing was accomplished by the companies responsible for the works, much less by the Brazilian government. The creation of the policy is the least the government can do, "said the coordinator.
MST closes BR 222 in the region of Itapecuru in Maranhão
With more than 300 people, the protest is against the invasion of peasant and quilombo territory by and agri-businessess

Pagina do MST
As part of the demonstrations of the National Day of Struggle, on Thursday (July 11), organized by trade union centrals and social movements in Brazil, the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) in Maranhão, along with teacher organizations, students, rural labor unions, quilombo and local communities, occupied BR 222, at the entrance of the city of Vargem Grande.
With more than 300 people, the protest is against the invasion of peasant and quilombo territories by agribusiness companies, for better infrastructure in the settlements and schools, and for youth policies.
Protesters proceed to collect the city municipal demands.
About 12,000 people gathered in the square Rádio in Campo Grande (MS), to participate in a unified acts during the morning, according to the Military Police. Militants from the Federation of Education Workers of Mato Grosso do Sul (Fetems), from the Federation of Agricultural Workers of Mato Grosso do Sul (Fetagri) and from the Union of Workers in Construction and Furniture Campo Grande (Sintracom), plus agents of the Company Independent Policing Transit Capital (Ciptran), Municipal Transit Agency (Agetran) and farmers linked to the MST participated.
MST participates in mobilization in Triangulo Mineiro
The mobilization started at 2 PM, with a concentration in Tubal Vilela Square, in the city center. Then follow on protesters walk along Avenida João Naves to the town hall

Pagina do MST
On Thursday (July 11), about 100 families of the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) participate in unified acts with trade union centrals and social movements, along with other social movements, trade unions and left parties in Uberlândia, in Triangulo Mineiro (MG)
The mobilization started at 2 PM, with a concentration in Tubal Vilela Square, in the city center. Then follow on protesters walk along Avenida João Naves to city hall, where they handed a list of demands to the mayor Gilmar Machado (PT).
In Uberlândia, protests demanded fare reduction and improved public transport, 10% of the national budget for public health, no privatization of university hospitals, reduction of working hours to 40 hours without loss of pay, shelving PL 4330 that implements the outsourcing of labor and ends with the guarantee of workers' rights, suspension of auctions of oil, against changing the Mineral Code and for the realization of the land reform program, among other demands.
The mobilization is part of the Unified National Labor Unions and Social Movements, performing demonstrations and strikes throughout the country on Thursday, to claim a political platform with the reduction of working hours, investment of 10% of GDP in health and education, free and quality public transport, media democratization and land reform, with the settlement of 150,000 families camped in the country.
Residents of Novo Brasil demand improvements in municipal health
Among the guidelines is the change in municipal management, health care improvements, implementation of a public hospital, proper functioning of health centers and implementation where none exist

Around 300 residents of the municipality of Novo Brasil in Pará protested in front of the city hall to demand improvements in the health of the city. The protesters met at the airfield of the city and went on a march around town.
Among the guidelines is the change in municipal management, health care improvements, implementation of a public hospital, proper functioning of health centers (where they exist) and implementation where they don’t exist, in neighborhoods and rural communities, and ensuring water quality and in sufficient quantity for all the families of the rural villages and seats of the municipality.
"It's a shame a city like Novo Brasil, in the face of all the impacts caused by the Belo Monte dam, not having a public hospital, because health is a right of the people and not a commodity," said Claret Fernandes, activist of the Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB) and the parish priest of the town.
After sharing several testimonials about how these health problems affect people's lives, including deaths from medical errors, the protesters decided to forward the complaints to the Pará Society for the Defense of Human Rights. In addition, the Mayor is committed to schedule a public hearing to submit solutions.
The actions were organized by the Commission for Justice and Peace (CJP), MAB, Acampamento Novo Horizonte, Levante Popular Youth and Youth Ministry. At the end of the activity, the protesters pasted posters on the door of the city hall and wrote messages of protest on the ground.
Social movements occupy 21 toll plazas in Paraná
Reducing the toll, land reform, public policies for peasant agriculture and popular plebiscite are the main points of demand

MST Paraná
From 9 o'clock this Thursday (July 11), members of social movements, organizations and unions organized around a common political platform freed the passage of vehicles at 21 toll plazas in Paraná, under national day of strike and working class struggle.
The mobilization aims to require the immediate reduction of tolls collected today by the dealers who administer the toll plazas, whose price is one of the highest in the country. Workers also demand from the government the implementation of land reform,  for the immediate settlement of thousands of families in encampments, since, in the state of Paraná alone there are about six thousand families in encampments.
Protesters also demand public policy support, incentives and credit for producing cheap, healthy food without poisons, with the strengthening of the peasantry and the adoption of structural programs for youth and rural women. In addition, they also support all popular demands and necessity for political reform and demand the immediate convocation of a popular plebiscite.
Opening the toll plazas were: Campo Mourão, Corbélia, Cascavel, Santa Terezinha do Itaipu, Céu Azul, Nova Laranjeiras, Candói, Guarapuava, Presidente Castelo Branco, Floresta, Mandaguari, Arapongas, Jataizinho, Sertaneja, Cambará, Mauá da Serra , Imbaú, Irati, Lapa, São Luiz do Purunã e Litoral.
In Recife, the protests of the National Day of Struggle concentrated in the industrial port of Suape where some federal roads were occupied by protesters. The BR-232 is locked at 143 km in front of an MST settlement. Other routes, such as the BR-116, BR-428, BR-194 and BR-101, are also occupied in some sections.
RIO DE JANEIRONational Day of Struggle
Protests block highways in the state of Rio de Janeiro
In addition to the national guidelines, the protesters in Macaé ask for a reduction of spending by the city hall and the city council and for basic sanitation throughout the municipality

Vitor Abdala, Agência Brasil
Protesters blocked in the early morning of Thursday (July 11) a bridge connecting the towns of River Oysters and Macaé, north of Rio de Janeiro. The protest, coordinated by the Union of Oil Workers of North Fluminense (Sindipetro-NF) and the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST), and had the participation of other social movements.
About 5 am, they closed the highway connecting the two cities and set fire to tires in the front of the Parque dos Tubos in locality Imboassica in Macaé. In addition to the national guidelines, the protesters ask Macaé to reduce the spending of the city  and the city council and for basic sanitation throughout the county.
In the metropolitan area, protesters occupied lanes of BR-463, in the municipality of Itaguaí. They set fire to tires and sticks in front of the headquarters of Nuclebras Heavy Equipment (Nuclep), the state owned company that manufactures submarine hulls and equipment for oil rigs and nuclear plants. According to the Federal Highway Police, the protest was fast and the lanes  are already opened.
According to a spokesperson for the Nuclep, the Itaguaí factory is closed today because their employees have joined the national strike and participated in demonstrations outside the state.
Protesters blockade bus exits and the highway in Erechim (RS)
The protesters, who continue the occupation throughout the day, demanding 100% quality public transport  with free passes for students and low-income workers
In the early hours of Thursday (July 11), around 150 people occupied the front of the company Gaurama, single concessionaire responsible for public transportation in the city of Erechim for over 60 years, in Rio Grande do Sul, preventing the buses from leaving.
The protest was organized by the Bloc of Popular Struggles, a coalition that brings together students from the Universidade Federal da Fronteira Sul (UFFS), Seção Sindical dos Docentes da UFFS (SINDUFFS), Associação dos Docentes da UFFS (ADUFFS), Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), Sindicato dos Comerciários, Sindicato da Alimentação, Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos, Kizomba, Marcha Mundial das Mulheres, Levante Popular da Juventude, A.D.R., Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), Contraste Movimento LGBT.
Movements of Via Campesina, Fetraf and urban movements also blocked this morning BR 153, in two sections that give access Erechim. The nearly 800 militants claim the immediate release of the Program for Promotion, Enhancement and Sustainability of peasant agriculture, in addition to supporting the demand for the reduction of working hours to 40 hours.

More than 15,000  metalurical workers demand government economic policy for workersmetalugical workers
Among the factories that had stopped their production are General Motors, Embraer, Avibras and TI Automotive
Sindimetal / SJC
More than 15,000 metallurgical workers from 20 plants participated in demonstrations for the  National Day of Demonstrations, Strikes and Shutdowns in São José dos Campos, Jacarei and Cacapava, in São Paulo, on Thursday (July 11). Among the factories that had stopped its production are General Motors, Embraer, Avibras and TI Automotive. There was still occupation of the Presidente Dutra highway in three spots in the region.
At GM, the metalworkers went on strike for 24 hours and stopped the Via Dutra, km 142, São José dos Campos, by 2:15 AM. There were also shutdowns of highway access to Embraer and Cacapava. At Embraer, the production was delayed by three hours. The demonstrations also caused delays in other factories in the sector and the Aerospace Technical Center (CTA).
With lines of marches, workers of all factories demanded from the Dilma government an economic policy in favor of workers, with measures such as the reduction of the working day, the end of the security factor, the adoption of national metalworkers' collective contract, the end of the outsourcing and other demands, such as an end to corruption and the confiscation of property of corrupt and corrupting.
The metallurgical workers from Avibras (unit IV) stopped 100% of production and will only return to work tomorrow. In addition to the demands of the class, they are also fighting against the delay in payment of wages, which have not paid to the workers since May 30. The Avibras factory has 1,200 employees and produces military equipment. It currently has a contract with the Brazilian Navy.

In the city of Cacapava, two companies stopped: Graúna, a provider of Embraer, and Blue Tech, a supplier of LG and formed mainly by women. Metallurgical workers from two plants teamed up and stopped the Via Dutra for two hours, between km 127 and 132.
Workers of the Graúna continue to rally in Cacapava Forum, where they will demand the release of payment of labor rights, as FGTS severance payment. The company has a debt accumulated labor in U.S. $ 3.5 million.
In Jacarei, workers of five factories attended the National Day of Strikes. In four of them (Parker Hannifin, Emerson, Schrader and DMT), the downtime is 24 hours. In Wirex Cable, the production was stopped for 2 hours.
"The National Day of Mobilizations, Strikes and Shutdowns already entered the history of workers' struggles in the country, and the metalworkers of our region had a very important role. After the victorious protests led by youth, came time  for workers to demand of President Dilma an economic policy that favors the country's workers. It's time the government meets our demands and takes action in favor of the working class," says the president of the Metalworkers Union of São José dos Campos, Antonio Ferreira de Barros, Macapá.
The demonstrations are being called by all the unions in the country, with a unified agenda, which includes: reduction of working hours; end of pension factor and increase of pensions; against PL 4330 promoting outsourcing, reduction of  the price and improvement in the quality of public transport, more investment in public health and education, land reform, and the end of auction of oil reserves.
In Tocantins, people affected by the dam block the Estreito hydroelectric plant
The demonstration demands the immediate resettlement of over 800 families who have been camped since the inauguration of the dam, which occurred on the 17th of October last year
This morning (July 11), approximately 900 of people affected blocked the entrance of the Estreito Power Plant in the state of Tocantins. The protest is organized by the Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB) and the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST).
The demonstration demands the immediate resettlement of over 800 families who set up a camp since the inauguration of the plant, which took place on October 17 last year.
Moreover, those affected require a water supply, both for families camped and for families settled, and a program of economic compensation for the fishermen, because of the dramatic decrease in fish due to the dam.
"We will not accept that a work that generates profit for private companies will  let more than 800 affected families without land, without water and without power. The Brazilian state can no longer be omitted and hope for the immediate adoption of a national policy of rights for those affected by dams," said national coordinator of the MAB, Cirineu da Rocha.
The Esterito Hydroelectric Plant, built by Energy Consortium (Ceste), formed by GDF Suez, Vale, Alcoa and Camargo Corrêa, is located on the Tocantins River, the border between the states of Maranhão and Tocantins, with total capacity of 1,087 MW, enough to meet the needs of a city with 4 million inhabitants.

fredag 28 juni 2013

MST:s Joao Pedro Stedile om upproret i Brasilien

The Meaning and Prospects of the Street Mobilizations: an Interview with João Pedro Stedile

By Nilton Viana in Brasil do Fato (Tuesday, June 25, 2013)Joao Pedro Stedile
"It is time for the government to ally with the people or pay the bill in the future." This is one of the
 evaluations of João Pedro Stedile, from the national coordination of the MST on demonstrations across the 
country. According to him, there is an urban crisis installed in Brazilian cities, provoked by this stage of finance 
capitalism. "People are living a hell in the big cities, losing three, four hours a day in traffic when they could be 
with  family, studying or having cultural activities," he says.
For the MST leader, the reduction of transit fares mattered a lot to all the people and this was 
the appeal of the Free Pass Movement, who knew how to summon for the mobilization in the 
name of the interests of the people.
In this exclusive to Brazil de Fato, Stédile talks about the character of these mobilizations, and 
makes a call: we must be aware of the nature of these demonstrations and we must all go to the
streets to contest for the hearts and minds and to politicize this youth which has no experience 
of the class struggle. "The young are fed up with the methods of commercial bourgeois politics," he notes. 
And he warns: the most serious target was that the institutional left parties, all of which have 
been formed by these methods. They are aged and bureaucratized. Popular forces and leftist 
parties need to put all their energies to go to the street, as is happening, in every city, in every 
demonstration, an ongoing ideological debate on the struggle of class interests. 
"We need to explain to the people who are their main enemies." 
Protests Brazil 2013
1. Brasil de Fato: What is your analysis of the recent protests which have been shaking
 Brazil in the last few weeks? What is the economic basis for them to happen? 
Joao Pedro Stedile: There are many assessments for the reasons that led to these 
demonstrations. I agree with the views of Professor Erminia Maricato, who is our greatest 
expert on urban issues and has acted in the Ministry of the Cities during Olivio Dutra's 
[Ed. a founder of the Workers Party, mayor of Porto Alegre, governor of Rio Grande de Sul 
and Minister of Citiesadministration. She defends the thesis that there is an urban crisis in 
Brazilian cities caused by the current stage of financial capitalism. There has been enormous 
speculation on the property market which raised rents and the price of land by 150% in the last 
three years. Capital has financed car sales, without government control, in order to send money 
abroad, causing chaos in our traffic. In the last ten years, there was no investment in public 
transport. The housing program "My Home, My Life" pushed the poor into the outskirts of the city, 
without any infra-structure. All that has generated a structural crises in which people live in hell, 
in big cities, wasting three, four hours a day in traffic, when they could be with their family, studying 
or involved in cultural activities. Add to that the awful quality of public services in special health care, 
and even education, from elementary school, secondary school where students leave without being 
able to write a composition. And college education has been turned into shops selling diplomas in 
installments, which is where 70% of all college students are. 
2. What happened in political terms? 
JPS: The fifteen years of neoliberalism added to the last ten years of a class composition government 
rendered politics solely hostage of capital interests. Political parties have become old in their practices 
and became mere acronyms agglutinating, in its large majority, opportunists aspiring to rise up in 
public positions or fight over public resources or serve their own personal interests. The youth born 
after the "diretas ja" [direct presidential elections now], did not have the opportunity to participate in 
politics. Today, in order to dispute any position, for example, for councilor [city council], you need to 
have more than one million reais [approximately 2 reais to the dollar]; a deputy costs around ten million.
Capitalists pay and later politicians follow orders. Young people are fed up with this bourgeois way of 
doing politics, strictly commercial. But what is even more serious was the fact that political parties from 
the institutional left, all of them, adapted to those methods. And, therefore, provoked a sharp aversion 
to the way political parties act. The youth is not apolitical, quite the opposite, so much so that they took 
politics to the streets, even without being aware of its meaning. But they are saying that they can't take 
it anymore watching these political practices on TV, which kidnaped people's vote, based on lies and manipulation. 
Protests Brazil 2013
3. And why did these demonstrations only break out now? 
JPS: Probably it was a sum of several factors of mass psychology nature, rather than a planned 
political decision. Added to that the climate mentioned above, plus accusations of over billing for 
the construction of the stadiums, which the people felt was an insult. Let's look at some facts. 
Globo TV received from the state government and the city of Rio, 20 million reais of public money, 
to organize a two hour "little show" for the draw of the games of the confederation cup. The stadium 
in Brasilia cost R$ 1.4 billion and there are no public buses in the city! It is an explicit dictatorship 
imposed by FIFA which all governments submitted to. The reopening of Maracanã [Rio de 
Janeiro’s main stadium] was a slap on the face of the Brazilian people. The pictures were clear, 
in the greatest temple of the world's football there was not a single black or mixed race person! 
And the rise of bus fares was the last drop. It was only a spark to ignite a generalized feeling of 
revolt, indignation. Just as well the youth woke up.
4. Why have the working class not taken to the streets yet? 
JPS: It is true the working class did not go to the streets yet. Those who are on the streets are the 
children from the middle classes, the low middle classes, and also some young people which 
Andre Singer would call sub-proletariat, who study and work at the service sector, who experienced 
an improvement in their consumption status, but want to be heard. 
The reduction of the bus fare was very important for people as whole and that is where the Free 
Fare Movement got it right, they were able to call for mobilizations according to the interests of the 
people. And the people supported the demonstrations and that was expressed by the popularity 
index of the youth, especially when they were repressed. 
The working class takes longer to move, but when they move, they affect capital directly. Something 
that has not happened yet. I think that the organizations that are mediating with the working classes 
have not yet understood the moment and are still a bit shy. But the class, as a class is prepared to 
struggle, I think. Look, the number of strikes for better salaries has already recovered to the patterns 
of the 80’s. I think it is just a matter of time, and if the mediations strike the right banners to motivate 
the class to move. In the last few days, one can see that in some smaller cities and in the outskirts 
of large cities demonstrations are already starting to have very clear demands. That is very important.
5. And what about you from the MST and peasants, who have not moved yet?
JPS: It is true. In the capitals where we have settlements and family farmers nearby, we are already participating. I am also witness that we were very well received with our red flag and our demand for Agrarian Reform and healthy and cheap foods for everyone. I think in the next few weeks there will be a greater accession, including demonstrations from peasants on roads and counties in the countryside. Our militancy is eager to join the fight and mobilize. I hope they also move soon.
violence protests
6. What is your opinion about the source of the violence that is happening in some demonstrations? 
JPS: First of all let's relativize things. The bourgeoisie through its TV channels is using the tactics of scarring people, showing only images of troublemakers and riots. They are a minority and are insignificant compared to the thousands of people who have mobilized. The right is only interested in planting in the imaginary of the population that it is only a mess, and at the end if there is chaos, blame the government and demand the presence of the army. I hope the government will not make the mistake of calling the national guard and the army to repress the demonstrations. That is exactly what the right dreams about!
The way the military police intervenes is provoking those scenes of violence. There are organized right wing groups with instructions to provoke and loot. In São Paulo there are fascist groups acting. In Rio de Janeiro there are organized militias protecting the conservative politicians. And of course, there is also the lumpen that turn up in every popular mobilization, be it in stadiums, carnival, even in church celebrations, trying to take some personal benefits. 
7. Is there a class struggle on the streets then or is it only the youth manifesting their indignation? 
JPS: Of course there is class struggle on the streets. Even though it is still concentrated in ideological debate. What is even more serious, the actual mobilized youth, due to its class origins, is not aware that is participating in ideological struggle. Look they are doing politics in its best possible way, on the streets. And then, they write in their posters: we are against political parties and politics? That is why the messages in the posters have been so diffuse. It is happening in every city, each demonstration, a permanent ideological debate of class interests. Young people are being fought for by the ideas of the right and the left. By capitalists and by the working class.
no world cup
8. What are the objectives of the right and its proposals? 
JPS: The dominant class, capitalists and their ideological spokespersons who show up on TV every day, have a major objective: to wear out as much as possible the government of Dilma, to weaken the organization of the working class, to weaken the proposals for structural changes in Brazilian society and to win the elections of 2014, in order to recompose a total hegemony in the command of the Brazilian state, which is now in dispute.
In order to reach those objectives they are still feeling their way, alternating tactics. Sometimes they provoke violence, to take the focus from the objectives of the youth. Other times they use the posters of the youth to carry their messages. For example, the demonstration on Saturday , however small, in São Paulo, was totally manipulated by right wing sectors who guided it only for the struggle against PEC 37[Ed. PEC 37 is a constitutional amendment to limit the ability to investigate corrupt officials, rejected by Congress on June 26, 2013], with the same posters ... same calls. Certainly the majority of young people don't even know what that is all about. And it is a secondary theme for the working class, but the right is trying to raise the flags of morality, as was done with UDN [Ed. União Democrática Nacional – National Democratic Union – political party formed to oppose Getúlio Vargas and generally supported the 1964 military coup] in the past.
I have seen in social networks controlled by the right that their flags, besides PEC 37 are: for Renan to leave the Senate; CPI [Parliamentary Commission of Investigation] or transparency of the expenditures of the CUP; to declare corruption as a heinous crime and the end of the special forum for politicians. Now, fascist groups rehearse “OUT DILMA” and petition for impeachment.
Luckily those banners have nothing to do with the living conditions of the masses, even if they can be manipulated by the media. Objectively speaking, they are a shot in the foot. After all, it is the Brazilian bourgeoisie, its entrepreneurs and politicians who are the greatest practitioners of corruption and the ones who corrupt. Who appropriated the enormous cost of the World Cup? Globo TV and construction companies!
9. What are the challenges for the working class, popular organizations and political parties? 
JPS: There are many challenges. First of all we must keep in mind the nature of those demonstrations, and we must all go to the streets, to fight for hearts and minds in order to politicize this youth who has no experience with class struggle. Second, the working class must move. Go to the streets, protest in the factories, fields and construction sites, as Gerald Vandré [Brazilian singer who opposed the military dictatorship and was exiled] would say. Raise their demands to solve concrete class problems, in economic and political terms. 
We need to take the initiative and guide the debate in society and demand the approval of the project to reduce the working hours per week to 40 hours; demand priority of public investments in health, education and agrarian reform. To do so the government must cut interest rates and transfer resources from the primary surplus, those R$ 200 billion that every year go to 20,000 rich, rentiers, creditors of an internal debt that never existed, and switch those resources for productive and social investments. 
We need to approve an urgent system to be in place in the next elections, a robust political reform, which at least institutes the exclusive public financing of campaigns. The right to revoke mandates and self-called popular referendums. 
We need a tax reform and the return of ICMs [tax over the circulation of commodities] for primary exports, penalizing the wealth of the rich, in order to ease taxes on the poor, who are the ones who pay more. We need the government to stop oil auctions and all privatizing concessions of minerals and other public areas. There is no point in applying the sum of oil royalties in education, if these royalties represent only 8% of the oil revenues, and the other 92% will go to transnational corporations that will have the oil in the auctions!
We need a structural urban reform, and a return to prioritizing zero tariff and quality public transport. It has been proven that it is not expensive, nor difficult to have free transport for the masses of the capitals. And control real estate speculation.
Finally, we need to use this opportunity and approve the project of the national conference of communication, broadly representative, for the democratization of the media. In order to end the monopoly of Globo, and for the people and their popular organizations to have broad access to communicate, creating their own media, with public resources. I have heard from several young people who are networking the marches, which perhaps is the only common call that unifies all of them: Down with the Globo monopoly! 
But for these calls to have resonance in society and pressure the government and politicians, it will only happen if the working class moves. 
10. You, from social movements, submitted a letter asking for a meeting with President Dilma [Rousseff] and she accepted and replied on TV, what are you taking to her? 
JPS: Hopefully this audience will actually happen. Then, certainly social movements will indicate their young representatives who took to the streets, and who will bring to her the platform that I have described, I hope she will be sensible enough to listen to the young people. 
11. What should the government do now? 
JPS: I hope the government will have the sensibility and intelligence to take advantage of this support, this call that comes from the streets, which is only a synthesis of a diffuse conscience in society, that it is time to change. And change in favor of the people. To do that the government needs to face the dominant class, in all aspects. To face the bourgeoisie rentier, transferring interest payments to investments in areas that will solve the problems of the people. To promote political and tax reforms immediately. To put forward the approval of the democratization project for the media. To create mechanisms for substantial investments in public transport, towards a zero fare. To accelerate the agrarian reform and a plan for the production of healthy foods for the internal market. 
To assure the immediate application of 10 % of the GDP in public resources for education in all levels, from kindergarten in large cities, to quality primary education and culminating in the universalization of the access of the youth to public university.
Without that, there will be disappointment and the government will hand over to the right the initiative of the calls, which will take over our demonstrations, aiming at wearing out the government until the 2014 elections. It is time for the government to ally to the people, or else it will pay the bill in the future.
Protest Sao PauloProtest Sao Paulo
12. What perspectives those demonstrations can bring to the country in the next few months? 
JPS: Everything is an open question at the moment. Because the youth and the masses are in contention. That is why the popular forces must summon all their energies to take to the streets. Demonstrate, carry their flags of struggle for the reforms that really matter to people. Because the right will do the same and bring their flags, conservative, backward, criminalizing and stigmatizing the ideas of social change. We are right in the middle of an ideological battle, nobody knows what the result will be. In each city, each demonstration, we will have to dispute for hearts and minds. And those who are left out, will be out of history.  
Translation: Ana Amorim with assistance by Jeff Frank